Educational systems of the world

My FREE SA

Jayram Daya

My Front for Radical Educational Empowerment of South Africans

Educated “knowledge- gatherers” were once hunter-gatherers: their new occupation, however, is practical reasoning. Educating oneself is about focusing on what to achieve with a trained dedication to the mind, body, and spirit. Ancient wisdom has also evolved with the advancing knowledge which has made this millennium, the age of the multimedia. Today’s educational system has incorporated the past with the aim of future knowledge- gatherers advancement. In preparation for this, we need a practical educational system to prepare the coming generation for the new world.

Has the South African educational system accommodated the aspirations of the knowledge - gatherers of this country?  The answer is simply NO. Why?

Would you like to join this front to give justice to South Africa’s educational system?

Note 16; it is sad to read the negatives of our (South Africa) current educational system but if this is constructive criticism then we should look at solving the shortcomings. I think that many points in this article need a rapid transformation. Please read the complete article.

Note 17; the problem areas of schooling in South Africa are the Unions, unskilled and corrupt teachers with undisciplined learners.

Note 18; the article concludes with a practical solution. Can the government take cognize of the situation and introduce a user- friendly system where both the teachers and the pupils are disciplined without the interferences of the an outside force like the unions, corrupt members of the parliament and the gangsters who are mostly drug peddlers.

 Note 19; if we are not able to address the situation then lets research and find a practical system conducive to South Africa. I have randomly selected this article as it gives an incite of the world Education Systems- Five educational systems from which to draw inspiration

Note 20; bridging the gap from school to university has to be considered with caution as we in South Africa have many schools with little or no concept to prepare students for higher education.

Note 21; The Philippine educational system also stressed the importance of attaining socioeconomic development, nonformal education, and vocational training…… Take note of this point and consider it in our educational system having a socialistic approach by the ruling party.

Note 22; By understanding cultural characteristics of different ethnic, racial, and social groups, it is hoped that educators will see the need to develop instructional practices that are more responsive to cultural pluralism. Some of the cultural characteristics to consider are communication styles, thinking styles, value systems, socialization processes, relational patterns, and performance styles…….. South Africa needs a cultural revolution to incorporate African values. We need African schools and universities that would inspire its own research and cultural system which will benefit the political system to make constructive decisions not based on western ideology. We need an institution for African Studies.

Note 23; The Forms of Waking Consciousness…… Do we have a good foundation for this step to identify the deepener meaning of education when the basics are poor and the fundamentals are neglected?

Note 24; Latvia; The educational system is administered on three levels – national, municipal, and institutional…….South Africa with its democratic sociological approach  the ruling party needs to consider an educational system like Latvia, interesting reading

Note 25; 10 reasons why Finland's education system is the best….. Yes, it’s the best but do we have an infrastructure and a foundation to consider these points. No, Let us not copy a system like the first one (OBE) with a disastrous outcome.

Note 26; A transitiological study of some South African educational issues Now let us consider the history of the educational system in South Africa and make some important observations with a remedy.

Note 27; Yes It is a convincing argument to have English as a medium of instruction in line with the world education system.

Note 28; South Africa should now come to terms with politics, growth, the past and the aspirations of political parties. We need an education system that empowers the learners of South Africa and we should have a system that is universal in Langue’s, learning methods and standards. 

Note 29;‘The lack of success of ideology-driven educational reform’ It is here the ANC needs a review of its ideology-driven policies and investigate the world as a family and make South Africa a user-friendly member. India has an advantage over China is just because India speaks the world Language; ENGLISH.

South Africa’s schools

South Africa has one of the world’s worst education systems

Why it is bottom of the class

https://www.economist.com/middle-east-and-africa/2017/01/07/south-africa-has-one-of-the-worlds-worst-education-systems

Print edition | Middle East and Africa

Jan 7th 2017| CAPE TOWN

Note 16; AFTER half an hour of pencil-chewing Lizeka Rantsan’s class lines up at her desk to hand in its maths tests. The teacher at Oranjekloof primary school in Cape Town thanks to the 11- and 12-year-olds and flicks through the papers. Ms Rantsan sighs, unimpressed. Pulling one sheet of errant scribbles from the pile she asks: “How are we supposed to help these children?”

It is a question that South Africa is failing to answer. In a league table of education systems drawn up in 2015 by the OECD club of mainly rich countries, South Africa ranks 75th out of 76. In November the latest Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS), a quadrennial test sat by 580,000 pupils in 57 countries, had South Africa at or near the bottom of its various rankings (see chart), though its scores had improved since 2011. Its children are behind those in poorer parts of the continent. A shocking 27% of pupils who have attended school for six years cannot read, compared with 4% in Tanzania and 19% in Zimbabwe. After five years of school about half cannot work out that 24 divided by three is eight. Only 37% of children starting school go on to pass the matriculation exam; just 4% earn a degree.

South Africa has the most unequal school system in the world, says Nic Spaull of the University of Stellenbosch. The gap in test scores between the top 20% of schools and the rest is wider than in almost every other country. Of 200 black pupils who start school just one can expect to do well enough to study engineering. Ten white kids can expect the same result.

Many of the problems have their roots in apartheid. The Bantu Education Act of 1953 set out to ensure that whites received a better education than blacks, who were, according to Hendrik Verwoerd, the future prime minister then in charge of education, to be educated only enough to be “hewers of wood and drawers of water”. Black pupils received about a fifth of the funding of white peers. They were taught almost no maths or science. Most independent church-run schools that provided a good education in black areas were shut.

After Nelson Mandela became president in 1994 his government expanded access to schooling. It also replaced a school system segregated by race with one divided by wealth. Schools in poorer areas receive more state funding. But schools in richer areas can charge fees on top.

In theory these schools must admit pupils even if their parents cannot afford the fees. In practice they are fortresses of privilege. There are still about 500 schools built from mud, mainly in the Eastern Cape. The Western Cape has some of the largest campuses in the southern hemisphere, with cricket pitches as smooth as croquet lawns.

And yet money is not the reason for the malaise. Few countries spend as much to so little effect. In South Africa public spending on education is 6.4% of GDP; the average share in EU countries is 4.8%. More important than money are a lack of accountability and the abysmal quality of most teachers. Central to both failures is the South African Democratic Teachers Union (SADTU), which is allied to the ruling African National Congress (ANC).

The role of SADTU was laid bare in a report published in May 2016 by a team led by John Volmink, an academic. It found “widespread” corruption and abuse. This included teachers paying union officials for plum jobs, and female teachers being told they would be given jobs only in exchange for sex. The government has done little in response. Perhaps this is unsurprising; all six of the senior civil servants running education are SADTU members.

Note 17; The union’s influence within government belies its claim that officials are to blame for woeful schools. Last year it successfully lobbied for the cancellation of standardised tests. It has ensured that inspectors must give schools a year’s notice before showing up (less than 24 hours is the norm in England). And although parent-led school governing bodies are meant to hold teachers to account, they are more often controlled by the union or in some cases by gangs.

But even if there were better oversight most teachers would struggle to shape up. In one study in 2007 maths teachers of 11- and 12-year-olds sat tests similar to those taken by their class; questions included simple calculations of fractions and ratios. A scandalous 79% of teachers scored below the level expected of the pupils. The average 14-year-old in Singapore and South Korea performs much better.

It does not have to be this way. Spark School Bramley in Johannesburg is a low-cost private school, spending roughly as much per pupil as the average state school. And it is everything state schools are not. Its 360 pupils begin learning at 7.30am and end around 3pm-4pm; most state schools close at 1.30pm. At the start of the day pupils gather for mindfulness exercises, maths questions, pledges to work hard—and a blood-pumping rendition of Katy Perry’s “Firework”. “We have an emotional curriculum as well as an academic one,” says Bailey Thomson, a Spark director.

Pupils attend maths lessons based on Singapore’s curriculum; literacy classes draw on how England teaches phonics. Crucially, teachers are not members of SADTU. But they receive 250 hours of professional development per year, about as much as the average state-school teacher gets in a decade.

Early results show that its pupils are on average a year ahead of their peers. Spark runs eight schools and plans to have 20 by 2019. Other operators, such as Future Nation, co-founded by Sizwe Nxasana, a former banker, are also expanding. “We are never going to have a larger footprint than [the] government but we can influence it,” hopes Stacey Brewer, Spark’s founder.

Another promising scheme is the “collaboration schools” pilot in the Western Cape, based on academies in England and charter schools in America. The five collaboration schools are funded by the state but run by independent operators. In what Helen Zille, the premier of the Western Cape, calls “a seminal moment”, the parents of Oranjekloof pupils petitioned to keep the school in the collaboration programme when unions tried to oppose it. Ms Zille wants to open a “critical mass” of collaboration schools to inject competition into the public system.

Note 18; Spark and the collaboration schools suggest that South African education need not be doomed. But together they account for a tiny fraction of the country’s more than 25,000 schools. Widespread improvement will require loosening the grip of SADTU. In local polls in August the ruling party saw its worst results since the end of apartheid. This may force it to review vested interests. More likely it will continue to fail children. “The desire to learn has been eroded,” says Angus Duffett, the head of Silikamva High, a collaboration school. “That is the deeper sickness.”

This article appeared in the Middle East and Africa section of the print edition under the headline "Bottom of the class"

Print edition | Middle East and Africa

Jan 7th 2017| CAPE TOWN

Note 19; Five educational systems from which to draw inspiration

https://www.morningfuture.com/en/article/2018/06/22/five-best-educational-systems-success-school/352/

In Italy there is frequent discussion of reforms in the school system and the continual search for solutions which are right for educating our schoolchildren in the best way. With old buildings and instruments that need modernisation, it would be a good idea to follow the example of five foreign educational systems that are particularly effective.

Note 19; Estonia

We start with Estonia, a country which we have already dealt with in the past precisely because of the way it has decided to focus on the school system. One major fact is that ten years ago foreign students studying in Estonia numbered about 400, today there are more than 4000, in other words ten times as many. This is due to teachers being given responsibility – with a great deal of independence in the management of the educational programme and appropriate salaries – and teaching that keeps up with the times, for example by using the ProgeTiger, a program created to teach the basics of computer programming at all levels, from primary school to life-long education for adults.

In Finland there are no examinations or marks for pupils until they are sixteen years old and the schools are always run by the state and free of charge.

Note 19; Finland

A little further north there is another excellent system. The Finnish system is acknowledged as one of the best in the world and is continually in a state of innovation. The latest development was two years ago: Finnish schools must ensure a “cooperative” approach, allowing pupils to choose a subject that interests them around which a part of the teaching work is organised. The changes are part of a system that is already very different to ours, as demonstrated by the fact that the equivalent of our primary schools starts at the age of seven and there are no examinations or marks before the pupils reach the age of 16. Those who wish to can sign up for secondary school until the age of 19 in preparation for university which is also run by the state and free of charge. On a closer look, all Finnish schools are run by the state, a feature that allows considerable uniformity in education regardless of social class, and raises the teaching standard to a high level with teachers who have degrees (even for primary school) and are required to pass extremely severe tests in order to be employed.

Note 19; Switzerland

Still in Europe, there is the case of Switzerland: compulsory school up to the age of sixteen is managed federally by the cantons just like our senior schools. The central government is instead in control of the professional schools where courses may last as long as four years. What makes the Swiss method different is the attention given to the school environment; pupils are loaned textbooks which they leave for the pupils of the preceding year, together with pencils, paints and various equipment. Blackboards, benches and technological apparatus are the latest but something to think about is a factor that is more than ever human: right from primary school the pupils are invited to go to school alone in order to instil a sense of responsibility in them and so that they learn how to get around the city, deal with the difficulties of the road and not have to depend on a parent.

Canada has used the educational system to get the best from the millions of immigrants that it has hosted.

Note 19; Singapore

Lastly, there are two other success models outside the old continent. The first is Singapore, where the teachers are chosen from the graduates of the national training institute. During the period of study the aspiring teachers live side by side with more expert colleagues and already receive a salary at this time. The teachers are also given incentives based on their performance, which are evaluated at the end of the year on the basis of the results obtained by their pupils and their schools. Special attention is given to professional refresher courses which all teachers attend for about one hundred hours every year.

Note 19; Canada

In North America Canada leads the way, using the schools to manage the flow of immigration which brought millions of people into the country over the decades. To prevent the formation of pockets of illiterate or unqualified population, Canada has taken steps to encourage all social classes to enter the educational system, providing free education up to university level. This is done notwithstanding the federal organisation of the country in which management varies considerably from region to region, although retaining the common characteristic of not having specialised high schools as in Italy, but generic high schools on the American model.

Affect in Online Discourse

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Scott J. Warren, Jenny S. Wakefield, in Emotions, Technology, and Learning, 2016

Educational systems such as those described above become problematic when students move from secondary schools into a university intended to be somewhat emancipatory and freeing. A postsecondary setting transfers control to students: their personal behavior, learning choices, when and where to be, and at what time. Note 20; More importantly, the university experience teaches that knowledge is changeable and constructed socially or individually; however, because students are trained by the public school system within a power experience to view all knowledge as fixed and testable, when asked to contribute to knowledge construction and confronted with the idea that it is not, they may become rebellious and angry. If our experience is indicative, there may be a visceral emotional response on the part of some learners when this occurs. It is a natural consequence of the system that if students are trained to be passive and comfortable with a teacher’s transmission of knowledge, locus of control and related affective problems emerge when that font runs dry. Why should they be discomfited by abstraction and uncertainty?

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The Philippines

E.A.P. Valenzuela, in International Encyclopedia of Education (Third Edition), 2010

Brief Historical Account of the Philippine Educational System

The Philippine educational system shows lasting influences of the Spanish, American, and Japanese regimes. After nearly four centuries of Spanish rule, an educational system covering the elementary to collegiate levels was established through the promulgation of the Educational Decree of 1863. The decree made possible the establishment of complete secondary and collegiate levels of instructions, the provision for government supervision and control of these schools, and the establishment of teacher training institutions (Estioko, 1994).

When the Americans occupied Manila in 1898, they immediately reopened the schools. The American regime was marked by an extensive public educational system that used English as medium of instruction. The regime attempted to unify the archipelago, to spread the ideals of democracy, and to facilitate colonial rule. During this period, the Philippine educational system, particularly the public school system, became unified and well organized, enabling every citizen to enjoy the benefits that education provides. This was also the time when the educational system was overhauled, when grade 7 was eliminated and when the double-session plan was introduced to accommodate more students (Zwanopoel, 1972).

During the brief Japanese occupation (1941–44), the Japanese redirected the political and cultural orientation of education from Western to Japanese values rooted on love for neighbor. Vocational education and the use of Niponggo as medium of instruction were also introduced. The Japanese also stressed the importance of physical education and music, particularly singing Japanese songs (San Mateo and Tangco, 1997).

After the Philippines was granted independence on 4 July 1946, the government focused on rehabilitating the educational system and on conserving the Filipino heritage. Note 21; The Philippine educational system also stressed the importance of attaining socioeconomic development, nonformal education, and vocational training. The system was revolutionized to bridge the gap between manpower development and the country’s industrial needs.

Today, the Philippine educational system adopts a more quantifiable measure of performance, promotes values of good citizenship, English instruction, global education, and strong technical–vocational education (TVE). It aims to address multiple and diverse challenges and support a system of capacity building and institutional streamlining

(Figure 2).

The intersection of culture and learning styles

Lori S. Mestre, in Designing Effective Library Tutorials, 2012

Asian students

Note 22; Some educational systems (especially Asian) are very teacher centered in that the teacher lectures and the students are passive recipients; see Kirkbride and Tang, 1992; Chan, 1999; Neuman and Bekerman, 2000; Wong, 2004. These researchers found that Chinese students preferred didactic and teacher-centered styles of teaching and would show great respect for the wisdom and knowledge of their teachers; these same students might struggle when they encountered a teacher who used a constructivist or student-centered approach. Chinese students are generally quiet in class and were taught not to question or challenge their teachers. Teachers are regarded as having the authority and knowledge to teach and students readily accepted the information given by teachers. A Chinese student may therefore be less likely to express his/her opinion, unless asked to do so. Note 22; Chinese children learned well through concrete examples. They usually did better in concrete subjects but were weaker in abstract thinking and lacked creativity and originality (Salili, 1996, p. 100). Chan (1999) claimed that Chinese students were assessed mainly by examination (factual knowledge), with little emphasis on solving practical problems.

In a study carried out in Australia (Wong, 2004), 78 first-year to fourth-year Asian international undergraduate students participated in a survey to determine teaching and program quality in higher education from the students’ perspective. The three main difficulties highlighted by Note 22; Asian international students were: different learning styles, cultural barriers, and language problems. When the Asian international students surveyed began their study in Australia, initially more of them (33 percent) preferred the lecture style because they came from a background of teacher-centered learning, but as they moved into their third and fourth year of study this preference seemed to shift. This was evidenced by the fact that only 23 percent of the third- and fourth-year students preferred this style of teaching and learning. As students became more immersed in the programs, their preferred style of teaching and learning evolved into one that was student centered (with more discussion, independent learning, and critical thinking) despite their previous educational and cultural background.

The above study illustrates some of the experiences and views of Asian students who left their native educational system and then had to adapt to a new system. In the debriefing with the Asian students in this study, the students indicated similar desires to have information given to them in order to be able to answer a question based on that information, rather than exploring some alternative. Note 22;  They relied on a standard process that they could look to for getting information and expected it to be applied throughout. Once they understood a procedure they were confused if there was any variation.

Education scholar Geneva Gay (2000) argues that the nexus of cultural influence is a student’s “learning style,” shaping the way in which students receive and process information most effectively. By understanding cultural characteristics of different ethnic, racial, and social groups, it is hoped that educators will see the need to develop instructional practices that are more responsive to cultural pluralism. Some of the cultural characteristics to consider are communication styles, thinking styles, value systems, socialization processes, relational patterns, and performance styles (Gay, 2003; St. Amant, 2007; Pagan, 2009; Yang et al., 2010). All of these may influence a student’s receptivity to various styles of teaching, presentation modes, and design of online materials.

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Note 23; The Forms of Waking Consciousness

J.F. Pagel, in Dream Science, 2014

Attention-Focused Waking

Our educational system can be viewed as a training program for the establishment and maintenance of the conscious state of focused waking. Intelligence quotient (IQ) tests have the remarkable capacity to predict school performance and later life success in Western society (6). IQ tests assess the capacity to recall stored knowledge – what is sometimes called “crystallized intelligence.” These tests of intelligence also test for the students’ ability to attain and maintain a state of focused waking. This ability to reason or solve problems when applied to novel domains is called “fluid intelligence” (7). Focused waking often includes the various types of rational thought processing (Table 5.1).

Attention, as an aspect of focused waking consciousness, has proven amenable to experimental study. Our conceptual and implicit understanding of attention has changed somewhat since the topic was addressed in 1890 by William James:

Everyone knows what attention is. It is the taking possession by the mind, in a clear and vivid form, of one out of what seem to be several simultaneously possible objects or trains of thought. Focalization, concentration of consciousness are of its essence. It implies withdrawal from some things in order to deal effectively with others.

(James, 1890) (8)

Attention has at least three components: executive attention, alerting, and orienting. What James described as attention is now called “executive attention,” the component of attention involved in focusing and narrowing the focus of attention. Executive attention is anatomically based in the anterior cingulate gyrus of the frontal cortex. Alerting is a rapid response to perceptual and sense input, characterized in psychological testing by an increased error rate compared to executive attention. Alerting is neuroanatomically associated with the right medial aspect of the frontal lobe. Orienting, the process of positioning and placement with reference to time and place, takes place in the anterior occipital/posterior parietal region, the most posterior of these CNS locations (9).

Beyond the behavioral aspects of attention, quantitative electroencephalography (QEEG) has been useful in classifying and comparing the waking conscious states. Several authors have proposed that consciousness itself has an electrophysiological signature in the beta/gamma frequency that occurs during cognitive states of attention (10). We live in the pervasive electrical grid of 60 Hz alternating electrical currents. In our modern hospitals, background electrical activity can only be eliminated with the use of filters that technically eliminate the beta and gamma (30–80 Hz) EEG frequencies that are in the same physiological range. The experimental definition of consciousness as attention, coupled with the proposed electrophysiological correlate for consciousness, has led some authors to suggest that the electrophysiological correlates of attention be utilized to define consciousness and model consciousness states (11). Short-lived but highly coherent oscillation in the gamma/beta frequency has been reported to occur during the processing of perceptual input during focused waking (12). Gamma/beta is postulated to act as a “binding” frequency with the functional ability to produce a temporal synchronicity of neurons involved in a specific cognitive process (13). Beta/gamma oscillations are potentially involved in the process of “working memory,” the type of memory that enables us to keep non-current memories available for cognitive processing (14).

The conflation of attention with consciousness has been in some ways unfortunate. Consciousness is much more than attention, and many attentional processes (e.g., where we move our eyes when we focus our attention) are unconsciousness (15). Attention is sensorally multifaceted, with each of these perceptual systems (visual, auditory, tactile, and olfactory) controlled by an associated system for perceptual processing. Parallel but separate systems executively control those processes of attention (16). The multiple processing systems for attention and their behavioral expression are under central cognitive control. Through central attention each of these systems is allocated to handle competing demands of information processing (17). Since this is a book focusing primarily on dream science, focused waking – the least dream-like of cognitive states – is considered primarily as a comparative marker for other conscious states (Table 5.2).

Table 5.2. Comparative Behavioral and Synchronous Electroencephalographic (EEG) Characteristics of Waking States

	Perceptual Isolation	Thought- Attention	Associated Synchronous EEG Frequencies
Focused waking	Lowest	Focused	Beta/gamma
Self-referential (default) waking	Low	Self-focused	Beta/gamma, delta, 0.5 Hz activity
Drowsy waking	Low	Unfocused	Alpha
Creative waking	Low–moderate	Focused	NS
Hypnosis	Moderate	Variable	NS
Focused meditation	Moderate	Focused	Gamma, alpha
Unfocused meditation	Moderate	Focused/unfocused	Alpha, theta

Note: NS=not studied.

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Latvia

A. Joma, in International Encyclopedia of Education (Third Edition), 2010

Administrative and Supervisory Structure

Note 24; The educational system is administered on three levels – national, municipal, and institutional. The parliament, cabinet of ministers, and ministry of education and science are the main decision-making bodies at the national level. The ministry as the leading public administration institution in the field of education and science implements a single national policy and development strategy in education, develops education, science, sport, youth and state-language policies, organizes and coordinates their implementation, in addition to developing draft-regulatory legislation regulating the sector, and draft-policy planning documents.

Every municipality supervises the preschool, basic, and general upper secondary schools located in its administrative territory and participates in funding the maintenance expenses of those educational institutions. A board of education is established by each municipality to perform its education-related functions.

Vocational education and training schools are mainly maintained and supervised by the Ministry of Education and Science in strong cooperation with branch ministries and social partners. Only art and music schools are placed under the authority of the Ministry of Culture. Private and municipal schools must be registered with the National Registrar of Education and comply with government education standards.

In the tertiary sector, decision-making, regulation, funding, and governance are shared between the government and the institutions themselves. Higher education institutions are autonomous bodies established under national legislation, each with its own independent governing body (senate). The primary institution responsible for higher education is the Ministry of Education and Science, which administers government funding, policy, and programs. While higher education institutions are autonomous, they are accountable to the government via accreditation.

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Professional Issues

Jessica L Kohout, in Comprehensive Clinical Psychology, 1998

2.36.6.1 APA Recommendations

The educational system will have to change. Educational institutions will need to target clinical and research expertise to society's real needs (VandenBos et al., 1991). There needs to be greater emphasis on life-long learning and the content and the nature of the training will have to change. Some have called for a common core of general knowledge with specialization occurring postdoctorally. Practical experience or internships will need to be developed outside mental health settings to give trainees some experience with professionals from other fields in a variety of settings. Providing experiences with a diversity of populations and clients will be essential.

Technological literacy is critical to managing one's practice and evaluating and demonstrating effectiveness and efficiency. This involves computer literacy, ability to use information and delivery system technologies and research skills.

The ability to work with and communicate with professionals from other disciplines via interdisciplinary teamwork in multidisciplinary settings will be central to success in the evolving systems. Professional ethnocentrism is to be avoided.

Ultimately, the professional psychologist should be innovative, flexible and able to adapt to nontraditional settings, clients and modes of delivery by offering interventions that have been shown to work.

Practitioners will have to be able to demonstrate the cost effectiveness of psychological services and be able to predict and control costs. They will have to be able to fill public education and advocacy roles and they will need an understanding of the structure of evolving health care systems, including financing, organization, policy, and delivery principles. The ability to market one's services is necessary.

These recommendations and observations from the field indicate that health psychology will have a large role in the future (Cummings, 1995), by providing psychologists with the skills necessary to plan, research, and implement intervention programs for somaticizers and noncompliant chronically physically ill as well as programs for those with unhealthy behaviors (smoking, overeating, etc.) (e.g., Cummings, Dorken, Pallak, & Henke, 1993; Pallak, Cummings, Dorken, & Henke, 1993). Empirical outcomes research is also critical in that it will comprise the basis on which psychological interventions/therapies will rest, most of which are likely to be small group and psychoeducational in nature (Cummings, 1995).

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Note 25;  10 reasons why Finland's education system is the best

No standardized tests, no private schools, no stress. Finland's education system is consistently ranked best in the world. Why isn't America copying it?

MIKE COLAGROSSI

09 September, 2018

According to a recent European study, Finland is the country which has best school results in Europe thanks to its teaching system. AFP PHOTO OLIVIER MORIN

·         Finland's intellectual and educational reforms have completely revolutionized their educational system.

·         The Finnish system doesn't encourage cramming or standardized tests.

·         Finland's common-sense practices and a holistic teaching environment strives for equity over excellence.

Time and time again, American students continually rank near the middle or bottom among industrialized nations when it comes to performance in math and science. The Program for International Student Assessment (PISA) which in conjunction with the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) routinely releases data which shows that Americans are seriously lagging behind in a number of educational performance assessments.

Despite calls for education reform and a continual lackluster performance on the international scale, not a lot is being done or changing within the educational system. Many private and public schools run on the same antiquated systems and schedules that were once conducive to an agrarian society. The mechanization and rigid assembly-line methods we use today are spitting out ill-prepared worker clones, rudderless adults and an uninformed populace.

But no amount of pontificating will change what we already know. The American education system needs to be completely revamped – from the first grade to the Ph.D. It's going to take a lot more than a well-meaning celebrity project to do that…

Many people are familiar with the stereotype of the hard-working, rote memorization, myopic tunnel vision of Eastern Asian study and work ethics. Many of these countries, like China, Singapore, and Japan amongst others routinely rank in the number one spots in both math and science.

Some pundits point towards this model of exhaustive brain draining as something Americans should aspire to become. Work more! Study harder! Live less. The facts and figures don't lie – these countries are outperforming us, but there might be a better and healthier way to go about this

Finland is the answer – a country rich in intellectual and educational reform has initiated over the years a number of novel and simple changes that have completely revolutionized their educational system. They outrank the United States and are gaining on Eastern Asian countries.

Are they cramming in dimly-lit rooms on robotic schedules? Nope. Stressing over standardized tests enacted by the government? No way. Finland is leading the way because of common-sense practices and a holistic teaching environment that strives for equity over excellence. Here are 10 reasons why Finland's education system is dominating America and the world stage.

Photo By Craig F. Walker / The Denver Post

No standardized testing

Staying in line with our print-minded sensibilities, standardized testing is the blanket way we test for subject comprehension. Filling in little bubbles on a scantron and answering pre-canned questions is somehow supposed to be a way to determine mastery or at least competence of a subject. What often happens is that students will learn to cram just to pass a test and teachers will be teaching with the sole purpose of students passing a test. Learning has been thrown out of the equation.

Finland has no standardized tests. Their only exception is something called the National Matriculation Exam, which is a voluntary test for students at the end of an upper-secondary school (equivalent to an American high school.) All children throughout Finland are graded on an individualized basis and grading system set by their teacher. Tracking overall progress is done by the Ministry of Education, which samples groups across different ranges of schools.

Accountability for teachers (not required)

A lot of the blame goes to the teachers and rightfully so sometimes. But in Finland, the bar is set so high for teachers, that there is often no reason to have a rigorous “grading" system for teachers. Pasi Sahlberg, director of the Finnish Ministry of Education and writer of Finnish Lessons: What Can the World Learn from Educational Change in Finland? Said that following about teachers' accountability:

"There's no word for accountability in Finnish… Accountability is something that is left when responsibility has been subtracted."

All teachers are required to have a master's degree before entering the profession. Teaching programs are the most rigorous and selective professional schools in the entire country. If a teacher isn't performing well, it's the individual principal's responsibility to do something about it.

The concept of the pupil-teacher dynamic that was once the master to apprentice cannot be distilled down to a few bureaucratic checks and standardized testing measures. It needs to be dealt with on an individual basis.

Photo By Craig F. Walker / The Denver Post

Cooperation not competition

While most Americans and other countries see the educational system as one big Darwinian competition, the Finns see it differently. Sahlberg quotes a line from a writer named Samuli Paronen which says that:

“Real winners do not compete."

Ironically, this attitude has put them at the head of the international pack. Finland's educational system doesn't worry about artificial or arbitrary merit-based systems. There are no lists of top performing schools or teachers. It's not an environment of competition – instead, cooperation is the norm.

Make the basics a priority

Many school systems are so concerned with increasing test scores and comprehension in math and science, they tend to forget what constitutes a happy, harmonious and healthy student and learning environment. Many years ago, the Finnish school system was in need of some serious reforms.

The program that Finland put together focused on returning back to the basics. It wasn't about dominating with excellent marks or upping the ante. Instead, they looked to make the school environment a more equitable place.

Since the 1980s, Finnish educators have focused on making these basics a priority:

·         Education should be an instrument to balance out social inequality.

·         All students receive free school meals.

·         Ease of access to health care.

·         Psychological counseling

·         Individualized guidance

Beginning with the individual in a collective environment of equality is Finland's way.

Starting school at an older age

Here the Finns again start by changing very minute details. Students start school when they are seven years old. They're given free reign in the developing childhood years to not be chained to compulsory education. It's simply just a way to let a kid be a kid.

There are only 9 years of compulsory school that Finnish children are required to attend. Everything past the ninth grade or at the age of 16 is optional.

Just from a psychological standpoint, this is a freeing ideal. Although it may anecdotal, many students really feel like they're stuck in a prison. Finland alleviates this forced ideal and instead opts to prepare its children for the real world.

Providing professional options past a traditional college degree

The current pipeline for education in America is incredibly stagnant and immutable. Children are stuck in the K-12 circuit jumping from teacher to teacher. Each grade a preparation for the next, all ending in the grand culmination of college, which then prepares you for the next grand thing on the conveyor belt. Many students don't need to go to college and get a worthless degree or flounder about trying to find purpose and incur massive debt.

Finland solves this dilemma by offering options that are equally advantageous for the student continuing their education. There is a lesser focused dichotomy of college-educated versus trade-school or working class. Both can be equally professional and fulfilling for a career.

In Finland, there is the Upper Secondary School which is a three-year program that prepares students for the Matriculation Test that determines their acceptance into a University. This is usually based off of specialties they've acquired during their time in “high-school"

Next, there is vocational education, which is a three-year program that trains students for various careers. They have the option to take the Matriculation test if they want to then apply to University.

Finns wake up later for less strenuous schooldays

Waking up early, catching a bus or ride, participating in morning and after school extracurriculars are huge time sinks for a student. Add to the fact that some classes start anywhere from 6am to 8am and you've got sleepy, uninspired adolescents on your hands.

Students in Finland usually start school anywhere from 9:00 – 9:45 AM. Research has shown that early start times are detrimental to students' well-being, health, and maturation. Finnish schools start the day later and usually end by 2:00 – 2:45 AM. They have longer class periods and much longer breaks in between. The overall system isn't there to ram and cram information to their students, but to create an environment of holistic learning.

Consistent instruction from the same teachers

There are fewer teachers and students in Finnish schools. You can't expect to teach an auditorium of invisible faces and breakthrough to them on an individual level. Students in Finland often have the same teacher for up to six years of their education. During this time, the teacher can take on the role of a mentor or even a family member. During those years, mutual trust and bonding are built so that both parties know and respect each other.

Different needs and learning styles vary on an individual basis. Finnish teachers can account for this because they've figured out the student's own idiosyncratic needs. They can accurately chart and care for their progress and help them reach their goals. There is no passing along to the next teacher because there isn't one.

Levi, Finland. Photo by Christophe Pallot/Agence Zoom/Getty Images.

A more relaxed atmosphere

There is a general trend in what Finland is doing with its schools. Less stress, less unneeded regimentation and more caring. Students usually only have a couple of classes a day. They have several times to eat their food, enjoy recreational activities and generally just relax. Spread throughout the day are 15 to 20-minute intervals where the kids can get up and stretch, grab some fresh air and decompress.

This type of environment is also needed by the teachers. Teacher rooms are set up all over Finnish schools, where they can lounge about and relax, prepare for the day or just simply socialize. Teachers are people too and need to be functional so they can operate at the best of their abilities.

Less homework and outside work required

According to the OECD, students in Finland have the least amount of outside work and homework than any other student in the world. They spend only half an hour a night working on stuff from school. Finnish students also don't have tutors. Yet they're outperforming cultures that have toxic school-to-life balances without the unneeded or unnecessary stress.

Finnish students are getting everything they need to get done in school without the added pressures that come with excelling at a subject. Without having to worry about grades and busy-work they are able to focus on the true task at hand – learning and growing as a human being.

RELATED ARTICLES AROUND THE WEB

·         Finnish National Agency for Education - Education system ›

·         Why Are Finland's Schools Successful? | Innovation | Smithsonian ›

·         In Finland, I realized how 'mean-spirited' the US education system ... ›

Credit to   https://bigthink.com/mike-colagrossi/no-standardized-tests-no-private-schools-no-stress-10-reasons-why-finlands-education-system-in-the-best-in-the-world

South African Journal of Education

On-line version ISSN 2076-3433
Print version ISSN 0256-0100

S. Afr. j. educ. vol.29 n.3 Pretoria Aug. 2009

http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0256-01002009000300005

Note 26; A transitiological study of some South African educational issues

Corene de Wet; Charl Wolhuter

^IProfessor in the Faculty of Education at the University of the Free State. Her research focuses on crime and violence in schools and com­parative education. E-mail: dewetnc.hum@ufs.ac.za
^IIProfessor in the Department of Comparative Education at North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus. He has lectured in history of education and comparative education at the Universities of Pretoria and Zulu­land. E-mail: Charl.Wolhuter@nwu.ac.za

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In this study enrolment numbers and levels, as well as language-in-education, were viewed from a linear, comparative perspective. In the era prior to 1994, black and white learners not only attended separate schools but the segregated schools had different policies regarding medium of instruction. Resistance to the  language policy regarding black education culminated in the 1976 uprisings. This led to the scrapping of both Afrikaans and black home languages as language of instruction in black schools. After the uprisings, black schools fol­lowed a policy of decreasing bilingualism.  Note 27; After 1994, in the spirit of democracy, official and educational status were granted to eleven languages. Deep-seated distrust and fear, that home-language education would lead to impoverishment, social and political isolation, and disempowerment, caused the majority of South African learners to prefer English rather than their home language as language of instruction. From a linear comparison, it transpires that the language-in-edu­cation situation in the classroom has changed very little since 1994. Enrolment numbers and levels, particularly the disparities between white and black, were other points of criticism regarding the education system before 1994. Prior to 1994, compulsory education had only been fully implemented with regard to the white and, to a lesser extent, Indian and coloured sections of the population. The vision that the ANC had in 1955, that "the doors of learning shall be open", was only reflected in policy documents and laws. Both primary-school and secondary-school enrolment numbers showed an increase after the ANC govern­ment came to power. The net enrolment numbers (1995-2004) for primary education showed a decrease from 95.0% to 87.4%,but the enrolment numbers for secondary education showed an increase from 56.0% to 67.2%. Despite the latter positive statistics, it would appear that the objective of universal education has still not been realised in South Africa.

Keywords: comparative education; enrolment numbers and levels; language as an educational issue; transformation; transitiology

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Introduction

The assumption of power by the African National Congress (ANC) in 1994 re­sul­ted in the political transformation of South Africa. This transformation encompassed all areas of society, including education. Transformation in edu­cation was then also singled out for specific attention. Education not only had to be transformed, it had also to play a key role in the transformation of the South African community (Duvenhage, 2006:125). The 1995 White Paper for Education and Training (DoE, 1995:4) stated this vision as follows:

It should be a goal of education and training policy to enable a democra­tic, free, equal, just and peaceful society to take root and prosper in our land, on the basis that all South Africans without exception share the same inalienable rights, equal citizenship, and common national destiny, and that all forms of bias (especially racial, ethnic and gender) are dehu­manising.

Six years later the Department of Education (DoE, 2001:2) repeated this vision by stating that education had to play a role "to overcome the devasta­tion of apartheid, and provide a system of education that builds democracy, human dignity, equality and social justice".

Note 28;In order to achieve this, education had to be transformed. Duvenhage (2006:133) summarises the focal points of educational transformation as follows:

• The creation of a single, non-racial education dispensation wherein there is space for all participants.
• The entire overhaul and democratisation of education management.
• The upgrading and improvement of the education infrastructure.
• The transformation of curricula in order to eradicate the legacy of apart­heid in the system.

 According to Duvenhage (2006:136), the ANC government worked hard right from the start to realise the transformation objective. They achieved many successes, although many plans miscarried and others had to be redesigned. Some of the successes and failures will be highlighted here.

At a two-day summit during which members of the Eastern Cape De­partment of Education reflected upon transformation in education in that pro­vince, various problems were identified: a shortfall in earners' skills deve­lop­ment, in particular literacy and numerical skills; an unequal distribution of resources and infrastructure; and a poor work ethic among educators. At this summit, the Chairperson of the Education Portfolio Committee, Mahlubandile Qwase, voiced his concern about the lack of support for African languages and culture in former Model C schools, as well as the violence in schools (Sitayata-Soga, 2006:3). With reference to this, Van Wyk (2006:24) reported that "schools in South Africa do not function satisfactorily". According to the Executive Director of the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation [IJR], Villa-Vicencio (in Van Wyk, 2006:24), the blame must be laid at the door of princi­pals who do not manage their schools effectively and poor discipline amongst learners. Moreover, Jansen (2005:10) made the accusation that governing bodies of former Model C schools thwarted the transformation process:

… far too many all-white schools … have used language policy or enrol­ment policy or teacher appointment processes to retain the dominant culture and clientele of the school.

From the preceding three reports it appears that the transformation process in education has not succeeded. However, post-1994 education in South Af­rica has not been characterised by failures only. Duvenhage (2006:135) points out, amongst other things, the following transformation successes: increased access to schools; a considerable improvement in the qualifications of educa­tors; an improvement in the ratio of educators to learners; and an increase in the per capita spending per learner.

A study of changes in education in a transforming society necessitates a knowledge of the literature regarding transformation.

Theoretical foundation

Social transformation can take different forms. Sometimes transformation is the result of political change; sometimes because of demographic and econo­mic changes. According to Bray and Borevskaya (2001:345), the scope and importance of studies pertaining to transformation have increased to such an extent that it has developed into an independent field of study, known as 'transitiology'.

The term transitiology was initially used during the 1970s by political scientists in their analysis of the political, cultural and economic problems in southern Europe and Latin America. Since the 1990s, the term has also been used in the analysis of political transformation in eastern and central Europe (Cowen, 1996:163). In 1996, the term was borrowed by Cowen (1996:163) from political scientists (cf. Martyanov, 2005:175-191; Saxon­berg & Linde, 2003:3-14; Carothers, 2002:5-21; Haynes & Husan, 2002: 105-129; Ma, 1998:339-348) "to illustrate some of the complexities of the transition of pre-modern to modern to late-modern education systems". By way of his publi­cations Cowen (1996:163-165; 2000:338; 2002:422) establi­shed the term in Comparative Education literature (cf. Sweeting, 2007:159; Steiner-Khamasi, 2005:148-172; Sweeting, 2005:27-29; Alexander, 2001:507; Steiner-Khamasi & Stolpe, 2004:29-53; Kazamias, 2001:439-449; Usarralde, 2002:7; Bray & Borevskaya, 2001:345; Bray & Lee, 1997:149-156).

Cowen (2000:338) defines transitiology as

… the more or less simultaneous collapse and reconstruction of (a) state apparatuses; (b) social and economic stratification systems; and (c) politi­cal visions of the future; in which (d) education is given a major symbolic and deconstructionist role in these social processes of destroying the past and redefining the future.

Cowen (2002:422) places a time limit upon the concept of transitiology: the transformation should take place within the scope of ten years. Consequently, the Chinese revolution is not an example of transitiology. It lasted from the demise of the Manchu Dynasty in 1912 up to and with the stabilisation of the Chinese State under Mao in 1949. On the contrary, Castro's revolution in Cuba; Turkey under the rule of Atatürk; Britain during the premiership of Thatcher; the end of Franco's and the Shah's regimes in Spain and Iran, respectively; or the Meiji Restoration in Japan are examples of transitiologies (Cowen, 2002:422; 2000:338; 1996:164). 

In all the preceding examples there were extensive attempts to reconstruct state structures (e.g. the reinstitution of the emperor in Japan). The end of feudalism in and the decreased emphasis on the equal division of income in Britain during the 1980s are examples of attempts to change the social and economic systems. New political visions found embodiment in the Chinese Cultural Revolution. New political structures were also established in Poland, Turkey and Russia (Cowen, 2002:423).

Cowen (2002:423) points out that education in all the above examples was redefined in order to play a decisive role in the establishment of the "new future". Education was used purposefully and aggressively to direct and build the future. Atatürk's learning of the new Latin alphabet in the Dolmabahçe Palace is a practical embodiment of the redefinition of education in Turkey. In China the closing down of schools during the mid-1960s hinted at the notion that a new type of education would lead the Cultural Revolution to­wards its destiny. When schools were eventually reopened, teachers were replaced by members of the working class, peasants and soldiers. They had to transmit Mao's philosophies to the people of the country by means of education.

According to Cowen (2000:339), transitiologies are "pleasantly complex mixtures of the political, economic, ideological and sociological". Furthermore, he advocates a better understanding and knowledge of transitiologies amongst educationists, because a study of these turning points in history has illustra­ted the influence of political and economic powers upon education. A study of transitiologies suggests seemingly easy questions requiring complicated answers. What is, for example, the relationship between futuristic ideologies and prevailing education practices? How much of the existing education system has to be changed or destroyed to transform education in accordance with the new political ideology?

Bray and Borevskaya (2001:346) are of the opinion that although Cowen (1999:84; 2000:339) sometimes confuses the term "transition" with "transitio­lo­gies" (the study of transitions), and not all academics agree with his time limit of ten years, he has managed to focus upon the importance of the study of "major social turbulences" for comparative educationists. By means of his work, Cowen once again stressed the fact that comparative educationists should not concern themselves with "the business of comparing education across cultures, nations, regions and indeed academic disciplines" (Alexander, 2001:507), but rather with a moment-in-time in a single education system (Cowen, 2002:413). This approach, which is often associated with structura­lism, offers comparative educators the opportunity to analyse events in depth (Sweeting, 2007:159-160).

A moment-in-time in South African history: influence upon some education matters

Introduction

For comparative educationists, transitiologies are like "lightning storms  … on a dark day" (Cowen, 2000:339). According to Sweeting (2005:29), Cowen fo­cuses "on the moments of time (and thus, on temporal units, metaphorically in freeze-frame)". Such moments-in-time in the history of South Africa, which had and still have far-reaching consequences for South African education, were the unbanning of the ANC, the release of Nelson Mandela and the ensu­ing coming into power of the ANC. For a former Minister of Education, Kader Asmal (DoE, 2001:1), April 1994 was a turning point in the history of South Africa:

In April 1994 … fear was replaced by hope, repression by democratic free­dom, exclusion and division by the possibilities of inclusiveness and unity. A massive national project [Tirisano] to take down the scaffolding of apartheid and replace it with a system that promised well-being, res­pect, and expression for all South Africans began.

Macro-societal context: The ideology of the national democratic revolution

The current transformation of education in South Africa plays itself out within the societal framework of the ruling party's (ANC) ideology of the national democratic revolution (cf. Duvenhage, 2007).Note 28;This ideology guides the ANC's entire societal reconstruction project. According to Duvenhage (2007:384-385) the following could be regarded as the core (central philosophy) of this ideo­logy of the national democratic revolution:

• The establishment of democratic institutions, which could claim to be repre­sentative;
• the accomplishment of a non-racial democratic dispensation;
• initiating progressive, sustainable and development-orientedness with regard to the South African and Pan-African (NEPAD and African Union) societies; and
• the employment of extensive social engineering "to meet the mass revolu­tionary challenge".

As is the case with any ideology, the ideology of the national democratic revolution consists of a stable, unchanging hard core or a set of fundamental beliefs, and a surrounding social-political programme, which strives to exe­cute or realise the ideology. Frequently this programme founders on demogra­phic, economic, political and other realities — so much so that ideologies often fall short of their mark. This could hardly be better illustrated than in educa­tional transformation in South Africa. The following three examples will suffice:

Note 28;The mergers of universities, which were driven by ideological motives, did not succeed (Jansen, 2002), as the Minister of Education has recently admit­ted (cf. Gower & Pretorius, 2009:1).

The institution of Outcomes-Based Education (OBE), another centrepiece of government's educational transformation plan, bogged down in the every­day realities of South African classrooms, such as under-qualified teachers, lack of adequate resources, and absence of a proper culture of teaching and learning in many schools (cf. Warnich & Wolhuter, 2009), to the extent that even the founder and most voluble exponent of OBE, William Spady (2008), counsels government to abandon the OBE project.

While government focuses on grandiose projects such as the merger of universities and OBE, basic aspects such as input, throughput and output quality are neglected. Of the 25,415 public schools in South Africa, 4,046 have no electricity, 2,891 no source of water, and 17,081 no computers (South African Institute of Race Relations, 2008:368-370). A mere 46% of Grade 1 learners eventually reach Grade 12 (Rademeyer, 2008:7). Since 2003 the matriculation pass rate has been falling each year (South African Institute of Race Relations, 2008:376).

Implications for education

After the emergence of the new political dispensation in 1994, the new educa­tion authorities had therefore to address the legacies of the past. According to Pretorius (2007:31), a sophisticated education system for whites was in place, but millions of adult South Africans (mainly black persons) were functionally illiterate. Moreover, millions of South African children "endured school conditions resembling those of the most impoverished states of Africa" (Pretorius 2007:31). Since 1994, far-reaching reforms have taken place with the aim of breaking down the structures of apartheid and addressing educa­tional inequalities and handicaps, as well as providing equal opportunities and rights for all learners (Duvenhage, 2006:133; DoE, 2001:1-49).

In this study, enrolment numbers and levels, as well as language and edu­ca­tional matters, will be viewed from a linear, comparative perspective. The focus is firstly upon the why, the how, and the successes, failures and consequences of language and compulsory-education policies and practices during the apartheid period.

Secondly, it will be established why and how the said aspects have changed since 1994. Successes and failures, as well as consequences of poli­cies will be subjected to scrutiny. In the discussion, the political, economic and ideological points of departure underlying the changes will be investiga­ted. Lastly, the challenges offered by education will be examined (cf. Cowen's, 2000:339, view that transitiology informs us about the "spirit of the battles still to come").

The dual focus of this study was chosen purposely because these areas enjoy the attention of comparative educationalists and policy specialists. For example, various researchers stress the importance of the home language as medium of instruction (Heugh, 2006:63-73; Pretorius & Naudé, 2002:439-449), as well as the political economic and socio-cultural dimensions of language in education (De Klerk, 2002:2-13; Desai, 2001:323-338; Mda, 2001:162-166; Beukes, 1995:70-114; Chick, 1992:271-292). The spotlight regularly falls on enrolment numbers and levels by education specialists (cf.  Coombs, 1985; Uribe & Murname, 2006:241-277; Kent, Alvarez & Ramirez, 2000:151-206; Wolhuter, 2007).

Language as educational matter

South Africa is one of the most heterogeneous countries in the world. The Bill of Human Rights, as contained in the South African Constitution (RSA, 1996a: Section 30) guarantees equal status for all eleven official languages. The languages are Pedi, Sesotho, Tswana, Swazi, Venda, Tsonga, Afrikaans, English, Ndebele, Xhosa, and Zulu. Zulu is the home language of 23.8% of South Africans, followed by Xhosa with 17.6%, Afrikaans with 13.3%, Pedi with 9.4%, and both English and Tswana with 8.2% (Pretorius, 2006:32). Although English is regarded as the language of commerce, technology, education and training, it is the home language of only 8.2% of South Afri­cans. In order to understand this state of affairs, it is necessary to provide a brief overview of the South African language-in-education (cf. Truter, 2004: 1-166 for a full discussion of this policy during the years 1910-1961).

Section 37 of the Constitution of the Union of South Africa gives recog­nition to the principle of Dutch (and later Afrikaans) and English as medium of instruction for white learners. Home-language instruction had been — with the exception of Natal, where the choice regarding the language of instruction lay with the parents — compulsory for all white learners up to and including Standard 4. After South Africa had become a republic (1961), the arrange­ments with regard to the medium of instruction were upheld in white schools (Chick, 1992:275-276). Act 39 of 1969 brought about uniformity in all four provinces. Home-language instruction, whether in Afrikaans or English, be­came the norm (Beukes, 1995:42).

The Bantu Education Act, Act 47 of 1953, brought about two totally sepa­rate education systems, one for white and one for black learners. According to Truter (2004:164), this resulted in a dichotomy of two separate cultures that functioned separately from kindergarten up to university level. This was also the case with the language policy, because there was a separate system in the language policy for white and black learners.¹ The Bantu Education Act determined that the use of the home language as medium of instruction was compulsory up to and including Standard 6. Both Afrikaans and English were compulsory school subjects from the first year of school. From Standard 7, English and Afrikaans were used as medium of instruction on a 50:50 basis (Chick, 1992:275). Regardless of the educational advantage of home  language instruction, there was much resistance to the implementation of this policy:

In the minds of the black community, such advantage was overshadowed by the realisation that educational motives were secondary to political ones. Consistent with apartheid ideology, mother-tongue instruction prepared the different language groups for separate existence … the policy served to divide and rule black people (Chick, 1992:275).

Those who opposed the language policy of the National Party (NP) government shared the view that the policy not only had negative consequences, but would also lead to the economic and educational disempowerment of black people. Desai (2001:330) stated that "the use of African languages … was often perceived as an attempt to ghettoize African learners and deny them access to the mainstream of South African life". Furthermore, the policy placed a ceiling on opportunities for development, because it was expected of black people to acquire academic skills in two "foreign" languages (Chick, 1992:275).

The ideological resistance to Afrikaans, which was seen as the language of the oppressor, culminated in the 1976 uprisings. This led to the scrapping of Afrikaans, as well as black home languages as medium of in­struc­tion in black schools (Truter, 2004:164). After the uprisings, black schools, in accor­dance with Act 90 of 1979, followed a policy of decreasing bilingualism. Consequently, a start was made with instruction through the medium of the black home language, but gradually this was replaced with English as medium of instruction (Truter, 2004:163; Beukes, 1995:53; Chick, 1992:276). Official 1978 statistics (cited in Beukes, 1995:53) indicated that during that year, more than 96% of all black learners were taught through the medium of English from Standard 5 onwards.

During freedom movement gatherings, the 1985 National Forum and the 1990 Harare Language Workshop, amongst others, consultations with regard to language in education took place. During these gatherings the resistance to Afrikaans, the importance of English and the necessity of the development of the indigenous African languages dominated discussions (Chick, 1992:276-279). Already as early as 1955, the ANC (s.a.:1), as expressed in the Freedom Charter, held the view that "all people shall have equal right to use their own languages". Education legislation, as well as policy documents that were accepted after the 1994 elections, would not only make provision for this prin­ciple, but would also strive to accommodate the language preferences of learners.

The South African Schools Act (RSA, 1996b: Section 6) and the National Education Policy (RSA, 1996c: Section 3(4)(m)) have as a basis the right to education for all and the right to education in the language choice of the learner or the learner's parents (where this education is fairly feasible), which is stipulated in the Constitution (RSA 1996a: Section 30). The former proves to Duvenhage (2006:136) that access to basic education for all, as well as the right to education in the language of the learner's choice is very high on the list of transformation priorities of the ANC government.

Note 27;The ANC government regards language as an instrument to advance edu­cation and political transformation and to establish democracy. For this rea­son, the Department of Education (DoE, 2001:29) is committed to the promo­tion of multilingualism: "Speaking the language of other people not only facilitates meaningful communication, but also builds openness and respect as barriers are broken down". Where the NP government had, amongst other things, promoted Afrikaans as an objective, the ANC government was in fa­vour of the promotion of African languages: "Given the historical onus on black learners to learn English and Afrikaans, it is reciprocally important now that non-African learners acquire at least one African language" (DoE, 2001: 29). However, this aim was little more that political rhetoric because:

Competence in an African language has, to a great extent, seemed irrele­vant regarding access to higher education, appointments or promotions in the civil service and public debate in parliament. Multilingualism that has been implemented on a symbolic level in the new South Africa has not yet become viable on a material level (Plüddermann, 2006:78).

According to Heugh (2006:63), education changes after 1994 contained the promise of justice, the promotion and development of multilingualism and home-language instruction, parental choice and a cognitively enriched curri­cu­lum. After a thorough analysis of the policy implementation plan Heugh, however, reaches the conclusion that the education and language acquisition theory upon which the language of instruction policy has to be based, has been ignored or presented incorrectly. According to her, this may result in the current education practice promising failure and unjustness on a scale that will allow apartheid education to appear good in comparison (Heugh, 2006: 73).Note 27;On the contrary, De Klerk (2004:66) reaches the conclusion, after a fun­damental analysis of the education-in-language policy of 1997, that the successful implementation of the policy can contribute to the establishment of an education system aimed at achieving

• a fair and equal education system;
• the correction of the legacy of the past;
• the attainment of quality education for all South African citizens; and
• the endeavour to maintain education in South Africa for the future.

In this study we looked at, amongst other aspects, how an attempt was made after 1994 to use language-in-education to effect political, social and econo­mic transformation in South Africa. Political considerations, the social and economic power of English, the negative social ascriptions to the African languages and Afrikaans, ignorance about the advantages of home-language instruction, and the problems with the practical implementation of home  language instruction in multilingual communities (Webb, 2006:45-46; De Klerk, 2002:5-7) resulted in the ANC's education language policy's failure to implement multilingualism and the promotion of African languages. On the other hand, Note 27;English is still seen as the key to economic, political and social success (Painter & Baldwin, 2004:7).

After the coming to power of the NP under DF Malan in 1948, the develop­ment of Afrikaans was prioritised to establish and extend the power base of Afrikaans speakers on the political and economic terrain. This support for Afrikaans was withdrawn after 1994 (Nxumalo, 2000:123; Balfour, 1999:103). Nxumalo (2000:124) is of the opinion that the ANC government aims "to redress the past linguistic imbalances by means of reconciliation". On the other hand, Smit and Oosthuizen (2006:521-522) contend that the ANC government followed a policy of multilingualism at the cost of monolingua­lism. According to these authors, this has led to various court cases between governing bodies of the Afrikaans-medium schools and the provincial depart­ments of education. Antjie Krog (1998:99) views Afrikaans as "the price Afrikaners will have to pay for Apartheid". The need for quality teaching cre­ates great pressure on Afrikaans Section 21 schools to make access possible for all learners by also offering a stream of English-medium classes (Duven­hage, 2006:137). During the period 1993 to 2003, the number of exclusively Afrikaans schools in South Africa decreased from 1,396 to 844 (Giliomee & Schlemmer, 2006:119). The recent court ruling in the well publicised case of Ermelo High School (2009) is an example where ideology foundered on political-juridical realities; when the ruling upheld the power of school gover­ning bodies (vested in them by the South African Schools Act) to decide on language policy.

With reference to the preceding, Smit and Oosthuizen (2006:521) write that the provincial education authorities' policy of encouraging and even en­for­cing single-medium, primarily Afrikaans, schools to change their language policy to double-medium or parallel-medium Afrikaans/English, does not contribute to the extension of language diversity, but to the promotion of Eng­lish at the expense of minority languages. According to Miller (2003:35), the fact that the majority of parents and learners choose English and not their home language as medium of instruction, sends a message to black learners that the indigenous African languages and cultures are inferior. This message is reinforced by some former Model C schools where even the use of indige­nous African languages is prohibited during informal discussions (Painter & Baldwin, 2004:7).

Up to and with the acceptance of the 1996 Constitution, South Africa had only two official languages. Even so, up to and with the acceptance of Act 90 of 1979, some of the African languages were developed as academic languages by virtue of the fact that they were used as languages of instruction in black schools. Although there have been eleven, and not only two, official languages since 1996, government efforts to promote multilingualism are not effected in practice (Balfour, 1999:108). Balfour (1999:110) rightly remarks that "while Afrikaans schools are being forced to become dual-medium establishments, no similar move has been made to make English schools dual-medium esta­blishments, where Zulu and English, for example, are used". Besides the challenges that the development of an African language would pose, the negative legacy of the 1953 Bantu Education Act has resulted in the chances being slim that there will be a (great) demand for the use of African languages as languages of instruction in the future or even in the distant future.

Besides the deep-seated fear that the use of (several) African languages could lead to division, the perception that African languages are inferior, the lack of infrastructure and the high cost of the development of languages (Mda, 2000:162-167; Chick, 1992:283), Desai (2001:326) mentions that as long as African languages are not used in the legislative, executive and juridical go­vern­ment structures, "they are not going to be regarded with pride by those who use them and will continue to have a low status". Desai (2001:326) warns that it could lead to the marginalisation of those with these home languages.

As a result of the antagonism of the majority of South African learners towards Afrikaans, which they viewed as the language of the oppressor, Eng­lish was the language of choice for these learners after the 1976 uprising. English maintained this privileged position after 1994, because "English … is so indelibly inscribed within new constellations of power in South Africa" (Balfour, 1999:105).

Prior to 1994 the education policies and practices in South Africa were a reflection of the political dispensation in the country. Black and white learners  not only had separate schools, but also separate policies regarding the me­dium of instruction. Note 27;Political and economic considerations played a key role in this regard with resistance to the language policy leading to far-reaching changes. Only after 1997, the language preferences of learners in South Africa received any recognition for the first time. After 1994, in the spirit of demo­cracy, official, as well as education, status was given to eleven languages. Deep-seated distrust and fear, that home-language instruction would lead to impoverishment, social and political isolation and disempowerment, resulted in the majority of South African learners preferring English as language of instruction and not their home languages. The education-in-language situa­tion in the classroom has therefore changed very little since 1994.

Learners are still instructed through the medium of either English or Afri­kaans. There is very little evidence of multilingualism. On the contrary, the position of English has been strengthened at the expense of Afrikaans and other indigenous languages. Antjie Krog's (1998:99) previously quoted com­ment that Afrikaners will have to sacrifice Afrikaans as part of their burden for apartheid, and Heugh's (2006:73) warning that the current language prac­tices promise failure and injustice on a scale that will let apartheid education look good by comparison, point to "battles still to come" (Cowen, 2000:339).

Enrolment numbers and levels

Enrolment numbers and levels, in particular the inequalities between white and black, were some of the main points of criticism by the ANC inner circle with regard to the education system prior to 1994 (Steyn et al. 2003:24; Nkabinde 1997:52; Christie 1991:114-132). Before 1994, compulsory educa­tion was implemented fully only with regard to white and to a certain degree to the Indian and coloured population groups (Claassen, 1995:472). Although there was legislation making school attendance compulsory for black children in areas where school committees requested it, compulsory education existed only for a small section of this population group (Claassen, 1995:472). A limit­ing factor was the lack of funds to implement universal compulsory education. The state expenditure per learner was as follows in 1993: R1,659 for black, R2,902 for coloured, R3,702 for Indian and R4,372 for white learners (Nka­binde, 1997:44).

Against the background of the preceding, it is therefore understandable that the Freedom Charter already declared in 1955 that "The doors of learning shall be opened to all" (ANC s.a.:1). Two of the cornerstones of the education dis­pensation after 1994 were democratisation and equalisation (Wolhuter, 1999). Two policy documents that addressed this matter after 1994 were the 1995 White Paper for Education and Training and the 1996 Schools Act. Chapter 13 of the 1995 White Paper declares that, in the light of the fact that the right to basic education is recognised for everyone, the government is committed to ensure access to education up to Grade 9 for all learners (DoE, 1995:73). Section 3(1) of the South African Schools Act, Act 84 of 1996, stipulates that every child becomes schoolable from the first school day of the year in which he/she reaches the age of seven up to the last day of the year in which he/she reaches the age of 15 or has passed Grade 9.

Progress after 1994, with enrolment numbers at the primary and secon­dary levels of education, is indicated in Table 1.

During the six-year period from 1998 to 2004 primary and secondary enrolment numbers increased by 10.5% and 31.8%, respectively. Especially at secondary level there was a large increase.

The racial break-down of the growth in enrolment numbers is indicated in Table 2 (primary level) and Table 3 (secondary level).

Among the black and coloured sections of the population there was a po­si­tive increase in primary-school learner numbers between 1998 and 2004, whilst among the white and Indian sections of the population there was a moderate decrease. At secondary level, there was a phenomenal increase in learner numbers in the black and coloured sections of the population, and a moderate increase in the white section of the population, whilst the numbers of Indian learners decreased moderately.

The growth in numbers at secondary-education level, but in particular at primary-education level, must be seen together with the following three fac­tors, namely, migration patterns, learners over the official age in schools, and natural population increase of the relevant age groups. With regard to migra­tion patterns, it must be borne in mind that since 1994, a steady stream of people from the white section of the population has emigrated while, with regard to the black component of the population, there was a strong influx of immigrants from other African countries. No official statistics exist (or, at the very least, they represent a gross under-estimation of both as a result of many non-official emigrants or illegal immigrants), but it is often stated that since 1994, nearly one million white South Africans have left the country, whilst at the same time between eight and nine million foreigners (mainly from other African countries) have flocked into the country (Steyn, 2007:16). With regard to natural growth, it should be noted that birth figures regarding the black, coloured and Indian sections of the population reached a climax in 1990 and have since decreased by approximately 25,000, 2,000 and 500, respectively, each year (Wolhuter, 2000:155). In the case of the white population, birth figures had already peaked before 1990 and have decreased annually by approximately 2,500 (Wolhuter, 2000:155). Lastly, it should be taken into account that in many South African schools learners are older than the offi­cial age for the specific grade level. According to the World Bank, 6% and 4%, respectively, male and female enrolments in primary schools in South Africa are repeating their grades (World Bank, 2006:94).

The indicator net enrolment ratio (i.e. number of learners of the official age, divided by the population numbers for the age group, expressed as a percentage) intercepts three sets of problems. The growth in net entry levels from 1995 to 2004 is indicated in Table 4.

 Since 1995, the net enrolment ratios at primary-school level have decrea­sed from 95.0% to 87.4%. Seen in the light of the fact that basic education — internationally, as well as according to the Constitution in South Africa — is regarded as a basic human right, this phenomenon is cause for concern.  Re­search with regard to the causes and handling thereof cannot be implemented soon enough. On the other hand, the net enrolment level at secondary-school level shows an increase: from 56.0% in 1995 to 67.2% in 2004.

The expansion of education participation was one of the strongest driving forces behind the education reforms after 1994. There was indeed an impres­sive growth in enrolment numbers in primary and, particularly, secondary education. With regard to the various sections of the population, the black section, followed by the coloured section, showed the largest increase, with the increase at secondary level being phenomenal. White and Indian enrol­ment numbers showed a slight decrease, which can probably be explained from the demographic dynamics, natural (declining) birth numbers and mi­gra­tion. In spite of the impressive growth in enrolment numbers, the net en­rol­ment level has decreased. Seen in the light of the worldwide campaign for basic education for all (Education for All), this is a distressing phenomenon. On the other hand, net enrolment ratios at secondary-school level have shown an encouraging growth since 1994.

Conclusion

After 1994, the ANC government emphasised in various policy docu­ments the role that education should play in the transformation of South African society. The establishment of a non-racial education dispensation in which all partici­pants play a part and the promotion of multilingualism were some of the issues prioritised by the ANC government as a reaction against the NP govern­ment's education policy.

From this transitiology study of language as an education concern, it appears that the 1997 education language policy promotes multilingualism and recognises the democratic rights of the majority of South African learners. At grass-roots level the picture looks totally different       Note 27; The majority (black) of learners still prefer English — and not their home language — as medium of instruction. Moreover, it seems that for many Afrikaans is still the scapegoat for apartheid. The Supreme Court's Ermelo High School ruling, referred to earlier, provides hope that a monolingual (English) education dispensation may be avoided in South Africa if role-players are prepared to engage in the struggle for the preservation of the other ten official languages as media of instruction. This study has therefore underlined the "battles still to come" (Cowen, 2000:339).

The vision that the ANC had in 1955, namely, that "the doors of learning shall be opened to all", is embodied in the 1995 White Paper for Education and Training and the 1996 Schools Act. Both primary and secondary school enrolment numbers showed an increase of 10.5% and 31.8%, respectively, (Table 1) after the ANC government came to power. The net enrolment ratios (1995-2004) show a decrease from 95.0% to 87.4% for primary education; secondary education enrolment numbers, however, show an increase from 56.0% to 67.2% (Table 4). In spite of the latter positive statistics regarding secondary education, research is necessary regarding the concern-raising pheno­menon of the net decrease in primary enrolment ratios. Although edu­cation played an important symbolic role in the dismantling of apartheid, education laws and statements will be nothing more than fine-sounding political rhetoric until such time as the universal aim of 'education for all' has become a practical reality in South Africa. Prevailing political, economic, social, and health realities predict an uphill battle for the establishment of a universal basic education for all South African children.

Note 29;The lack of success of ideology-driven educational reform, regarding the issues of medium of instruction and enrolment growth, gives credence to the case of forsaking ideology in favour of piecemeal engineering, where civil soci­ety is granted full space to play its part, in an atmosphere of open society and democracy. This is, after all, the foundation stone of the new state.

Note

1. In the discussion of language as an educational matter in this article, attention has only been paid to black and white education. Prior to 1994, members of the coloured and Indian populations also had separate education systems, as well as consequently their own education-in-language policies (cf. Beukes, 1995: 56-69).

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